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THE UNENDING WAR AGAINST THE TALIBAN
The Economist Global Agenda, June 23, 2005
Afghan troops have launched a big assault on Taliban insurgents, who they
fear are regrouping to attack September’s parliamentary elections.
Almost four years after the American-led invasion, Afghanistan still looks
far from pacified. European countries are sending more troops, while Afghanistan’s
government accuses Pakistan of harbouring the rebels.
The Taliban failed to deliver on their threat to disrupt last October’s
presidential election in Afghanistan, in which voters defied the rebels
and turned out in force. The success of the American-backed Hamid Karzai
in becoming the country’s first democratically elected president
is bound to have been a blow to the Taliban’s morale. However, the
rebels are far from beaten, and Mr Karzai’s government is worried
that they are regrouping to launch attacks on the forthcoming parliamentary
elections—originally due in April but now scheduled to take place
in September. So far, two candidates have been killed in attacks blamed
on the Taliban, the latest this week in Uruzgan province.
This week, Afghan troops, reportedly backed by American helicopters and
British fighter jets, launched a big assault on Taliban insurgents near
the borders between Uruzgan and two other south-western provinces, Kandahar
and Zabul, to take back a district captured by the Taliban last week.
On Thursday June 23rd, government officials said more than 100 insurgents
had been killed so far in the operation, making it the heaviest defeat
inflicted on the Taliban in the past two years. According to Reuters news
agency, Afghan officials said troops were closing in on another group
of rebels in the area—possibly including two of the most senior
Taliban leaders, Mullah Dadullah and Mullah Brother.
Part of the Taliban rebel force is thought to have escaped across the
border into Pakistan, stoking the Afghan government’s anger at its
neighbour for allegedly harbouring the insurgents. President George Bush,
concerned at deteriorating relations between two important allies in his
“war on terror”, spoke to the Pakistani president, Pervez
Musharraf, this week, after which General Musharraf rang Mr Karzai to
reassure him that Pakistan was not trying to meddle in Afghan affairs.
Pakistan’s government insists it is not helping the rebels but
argues that it is impossible to seal its long border with Afghanistan.
However, there seems little doubt that pockets of support for the Taliban
exist in Pakistan, especially in the border province of Baluchistan (see
map). They may still have backing in parts of the Pakistani security establishment,
such as its powerful Inter-Services Intelligence agency (ISI), which is
known to have helped the Taliban in the past.
Indeed, Pakistan helped the Taliban to form in the first place. The Islamist
group’s founders were militant clerics belonging to the Pushtun,
a devoutly Muslim ethnic group that straddles the border between the two
countries. In the mid-1990s, the ISI and other parts of Pakistan’s
armed forces took the clerics under their wing, helping them recruit fighters
and providing the guns, transport, training and battle plans they then
used to conquer most of Afghanistan in the civil war that followed the
collapse of the former, Soviet-backed regime.
In the wake of the terrorist attacks of September 11th 2001, America
and its allies invaded Afghanistan to topple the Taliban regime, because
of its refusal to hand over Osama bin Laden and other al-Qaeda leaders
sheltering in the country. Pakistan, despite having backed the Taliban,
swapped sides and became an American ally—or at least, General Musharraf
and Pakistan’s leadership did. Some analysts believe that the Taliban
is now busy recruiting fresh members in Pakistan and sending them to fight
over the border. On Tuesday, Mr Karzai’s spokesman criticised the
Pakistani authorities for failing to arrest Taliban leaders on their territory,
one of whom, he said, had been interviewed on Pakistani television last
week.
More troops needed
President Vladimir Putin of Russia complained this week that the American-led
force in Afghanistan was proving ineffective at battling the Taliban and
that terrorist training camps continued to operate there. Mr Putin fears
that Islamist rebels in the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya are
still being sent for training in the Afghan camps. Indeed, an Afghan official
said on Thursday that at least two of the insurgents killed in the battle
in south-western Afghanistan may have been Chechens.
There is certainly an argument for reinforcing the 20,000 mainly American
troops who are helping Afghan forces hunt the insurgents. But given the
even deadlier insurgency in Iraq (see article), there is at least as strong
an argument for boosting troop levels there—and America’s
military is already over-stretched.
A separate, NATO-led force of around 8,000, the International Security
Assistance Force (ISAF), has the job of improving security for the Afghan
people, though until recently its peacekeeping was largely confined to
the capital, Kabul. Last week, plans were announced to boost ISAF’s
numbers by 2,000 during the parliamentary election campaign. Spain—whose
new, Socialist government pulled its troops out of Iraq in 2004 but kept
them in Afghanistan—said on Thursday it would provide 500 of the
extra soldiers. Britain, the Netherlands and Romania are also contributing
to the boost in ISAF’s strength.
One area in which Mr Karzai’s government and its foreign protectors
have had success is in repressing the growing of opium poppies in Afghanistan.
Besides flooding the world with heroin, the opium-poppy trade provides
the rebels, and Afghanistan’s troublesome warlords, with money to
buy weapons and further destabilise the country. After an upsurge in poppy
cultivation last year, surveys by Britain and the United Nations in March
this year found that renewed efforts to eradicate it seemed to be working.
However, as with the rebels themselves, there is a danger that the poppies
will quickly spring back up if the efforts to repress them are not maintained.
Despite routine assurances from the Afghan government that it is getting
a grip on the situation, all that has been seen so far are some successful
battles in a war that shows no sign of ending.
Background: Afghanistan's politics
January 13, 2005
Despite the overthrow of the Taliban, Afghanistan's political situation
remains precarious. Hamid Karzai, who led the country's interim government
for six months, was officially elected head-of-state in June 2002. Yet
his power is limited: Mr Karzai's government is riven by ethic divisions
and its control over the north and west is partial. The presence of NATO-led
peacekeepers in Kabul has helped restore order, though more are needed
outside the capital.
To help rebuild Afghanistan, rich countries pledged $4.5 billion of aid
in January 2002 and the same again in March 2004. Mr Karzai is trying
to build a national army and the UN is leading efforts to clear millions
of landmines. Pursuit of hard-core Taliban and al-Qaeda fugitives in the
south of the country continues, though some find refuge in Pakistan. A
new Afghan constitution establishing an Islamic republic was approved
in January 2004. Afghans turned out in force for the country's first ever
direct election for president nine months later, which Mr Karzai won.
Parliamentary and local elections are due in 2005.
Websites:
The UN news centre reports on events in Afghanistan. The Federation of
American Scientists has a profile of the Taliban and Pakistan's Inter-Services
Intelligence agency. The US Defence Department publishes information on
America’s operations in Afghanistan. See also the International
Security Assistance Force (ISAF).
Copyright 2005 © The
Economist Newspaper Limited
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